South Dakota. Skip to content. He never keeps me waiting two hours footprint carpenters mallet github he does a bunch of these other folks. Few presidents have faced such diverse tests on the international stage as Obama has, and the foot;rint for him, as footprint carpenters mallet github all presidents, has been to carpentera the merely urgent from the truly important, and to focus on the important. Ma, unsurprisingly, agreed with Obama that it was a very important issue. And that would be in the interest neither of the United States nor of the Middle East. The goal, Kerry has said, is not to overthrow Assad but to encourage him, and Iran and Russia, to negotiate peace.

Because Bing Imagery is a composite of multiple sources it is difficult to know the exact dates for individual pieces of data. Our metrics show that in the vast majority of cases the quality is at least as good as data hand digitized buildings in OpenStreetMap. It is not perfect, particularly in dense urban areas but it is still awesome.

Never overwrite the hard work of other contributors or blindly import data into OSM without first checking the local quality. While our metrics show that this data meets or exceeds the quality of hand-drawn building footprints, the data does vary in quality from place to place, between rural and urban, mountains and plains, and so on. Inspect quality locally and discuss an import plan with the community.

Always follow the OSM import community guidelines. The building data are featured in a recent NYTimes article.

A Vector Tile implementation of the data is hosted by Esri. This project welcomes contributions and suggestions. Most contributions require you to agree to a Contributor License Agreement CLA declaring that you have the right to, and actually do, grant us the rights to use your contribution.

Simply follow the instructions provided by the bot. You will only need to do this once across all repos using our CLA. The licenses for this project do not grant you rights to use any Microsoft names, logos, or trademarks. Microsoft and any contributors reserve all others rights, whether under their respective copyrights, patents, or trademarks, whether by implication, estoppel or otherwise. Skip to content. Computer generated building footprints for the United States View license.

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Jun 13, Mar 4, Sep 16, View code. Introduction This dataset contains ,, computer generated building footprints in all 50 US states. What is the GeoJson format? Training details The training set consists of 5 million labeled images. Metrics These are the intermediate stage metrics we use to track DNN model improvements and they are pixel based.

Some of these a priori properties are: The building edge must be of at least some length, both relative and absolute, e. Metrics Building matching metrics: Metric Value Precision The metrics on the set are: IoU is 0. How good are the data? What is the coordinate reference system? EPSG: Will there be more data coming for other geographies? This is a work in progress. This article is informed by our recent series of conversations, which took place in the Oval Office; over lunch in his dining room; aboard Air Force One ; and in Kuala Lumpur during his most recent visit to Asia, in November.

It is also informed by my previous interviews with him and by his speeches and prolific public ruminations, as well as by conversations with his top foreign-policy and national-security advisers, foreign leaders and their ambassadors in Washington, friends of the president and others who have spoken with him about his policies and decisions, and his adversaries and critics.

But he also has come to learn, he told me, that very little is accomplished in international affairs without U. Eisenhower and Richard Nixon. I asked Obama about retrenchment. But once he decides that a particular challenge represents a direct national-security threat, he has shown a willingness to act unilaterally.

This is one of the larger ironies of the Obama presidency: He has relentlessly questioned the efficacy of force, but he has also become the most successful terrorist-hunter in the history of the presidency, one who will hand to his successor a set of tools an accomplished assassin would envy. One of them is that sometimes you have to take a life to save even more lives. We have a similar view of just-war theory. The president requires near-certainty of no collateral damage.

Those who speak with Obama about jihadist thought say that he possesses a no-illusions understanding of the forces that drive apocalyptic violence among radical Muslims, but he has been careful about articulating that publicly, out of concern that he will exacerbate anti-Muslim xenophobia. And yet he consistently, and with apparent sincerity, professes optimism that the world is bending toward justice. He is, in a way, a Hobbesian optimist. The contradictions do not end there.

Though he has a reputation for prudence, he has also been eager to question some of the long-standing assumptions undergirding traditional U. He overthrew half a century of bipartisan consensus in order to reestablish ties with Cuba. He questioned why the U. According to Leon Panetta, he has questioned why the U. He is clearly irritated that foreign-policy orthodoxy compels him to treat Saudi Arabia as an ally.

The nuclear deal he struck with Iran proves, if nothing else, that Obama is not risk-averse. It is assumed, at least among his critics, that Obama sought the Iran deal because he has a vision of a historic American-Persian rapprochement. But his desire for the nuclear agreement was born of pessimism as much as it was of optimism. The aim was very simply to make a dangerous country substantially less dangerous.

No one had any expectation that Iran would be a more benign actor. I once mentioned to obama a scene from The Godfather: Part III , in which Michael Corleone complains angrily about his failure to escape the grasp of organized crime.

In his first extended spree of fame, as a presidential candidate in , Obama often spoke with hope about the region. The next year, as president, he gave a speech in Cairo meant to reset U.

What drew the most attention, though, was his promise to address the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which was then thought to be the central animating concern of Arab Muslims. His sympathy for the Palestinians moved the audience, but complicated his relations with Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister—especially because Obama had also decided to bypass Jerusalem on his first presidential visit to the Middle East.

When I asked Obama recently what he had hoped to accomplish with his Cairo reset speech, he said that he had been trying—unsuccessfully, he acknowledged—to persuade Muslims to more closely examine the roots of their unhappiness. My thought was, I would communicate that the U.

Bush, which was characterized in part by the belief that democratic values could be implanted in the Middle East. And these rights include free speech, the freedom of peaceful assembly, the freedom of religion, equality for men and women under the rule of law, and the right to choose your own leaders … Our support for these principles is not a secondary interest.

But over the next three years, as the Arab Spring gave up its early promise, and brutality and dysfunction overwhelmed the Middle East, the president grew disillusioned. Some of his deepest disappointments concern Middle Eastern leaders themselves. Obama has also not had much patience for Netanyahu and other Middle Eastern leaders who question his understanding of the region.

I live in the White House. I managed to get elected president of the United States. Obama said he had heard that Abdullah had complained to friends in the U.

Congress about his leadership, and told the king that if he had complaints, he should raise them directly. The king denied that he had spoken ill of him. Obama did not want to join the fight; he was counseled by Joe Biden and his first-term secretary of defense Robert Gates, among others, to steer clear. Benghazi is a focal point for the opposition regime. The way I looked at it was that it would be our problem if, in fact, complete chaos and civil war broke out in Libya.

But this is not so at the core of U. But what has been a habit over the last several decades in these circumstances is people pushing us to act but then showing an unwillingness to put any skin in the game.

But because this is not at the core of our interests, we need to get a UN mandate; we need Europeans and Gulf countries to be actively involved in the coalition; we will apply the military capabilities that are unique to us, but we expect others to carry their weight.

And we worked with our defense teams to ensure that we could execute a strategy without putting boots on the ground and without a long-term military commitment in Libya. We averted large-scale civilian casualties, we prevented what almost surely would have been a prolonged and bloody civil conflict. And despite all that, Libya is a mess.

He noted that Nicolas Sarkozy, the French president, lost his job the following year. This sort of bragging was fine, Obama said, because it allowed the U. Obama also blamed internal Libyan dynamics.

And our ability to have any kind of structure there that we could interact with and start training and start providing resources broke down very quickly. Libya proved to him that the Middle East was best avoided. President obama did not come into office preoccupied by the Middle East. For Obama, Asia represents the future.

Africa and Latin America, in his view, deserve far more U. Europe, about which he is unromantic, is a source of global stability that requires, to his occasional annoyance, American hand-holding.

But by late spring of , after isis took the northern-Iraq city of Mosul, he came to believe that U. After isis beheaded three American civilians in Syria, it became obvious to Obama that defeating the group was of more immediate urgency to the U. Advisers recall that Obama would cite a pivotal moment in The Dark Knight , the Batman movie, to help explain not only how he understood the role of isis , but how he understood the larger ecosystem in which it grew. They were thugs, but there was a kind of order.

Everyone had his turf. And then the Joker comes in and lights the whole city on fire. It has the capacity to set the whole region on fire.

The ballroom was crowded with Asian CEOs, American business leaders, and government officials from across the region. Obama, who was greeted warmly, first delivered informal remarks from behind a podium, mainly about the threat of climate change.

Obama made no mention of the subject preoccupying much of the rest of the world—the isis attacks in Paris five days earlier, which had killed people. Obama had arrived in Manila the day before from a G20 summit held in Antalya, Turkey. The Paris attacks had been a main topic of conversation in Antalya, where Obama held a particularly contentious press conference on the subject.

As the questions unspooled, Obama became progressively more irritated. Republican governors and presidential candidates had suddenly taken to demanding that the United States block Syrian refugees from coming to America. Ted Cruz had proposed accepting only Christian Syrians. This rhetoric appeared to frustrate Obama immensely. Air Force One departed Antalya and arrived 10 hours later in Manila. She toggled between the two, looking for the mean, she told people on the trip.

Later, the president would say that he had failed to fully appreciate the fear many Americans were experiencing about the possibility of a Paris-style attack in the U.

Great distance, a frantic schedule, and the jet-lag haze that envelops a globe-spanning presidential trip were working against him. But he has never believed that terrorism poses a threat to America commensurate with the fear it generates. Even during the period in when isis was executing its American captives in Syria, his emotions were in check.

Obama frequently reminds his staff that terrorism takes far fewer lives in America than handguns, car accidents, and falls in bathtubs do.

John Kerry, for one, seems more alarmed about isis than the president does. Recently, when I asked the secretary of state a general question—is the Middle East still important to the U. Of course we have an interest in this, a huge interest in this. He has escalated his efforts. I respect that. Obama modulates his discussion of terrorism for several reasons: He is, by nature, Spockian. And he believes that a misplaced word, or a frightened look, or an ill-considered hyperbolic claim, could tip the country into panic.

The sort of panic he worries about most is the type that would manifest itself in anti-Muslim xenophobia or in a challenge to American openness and to the constitutional order. From his earliest days in office, Obama has been focused on rebuilding the sometimes-threadbare ties between the U.

His dramatic opening to Burma was one such opportunity; Vietnam and the entire constellation of Southeast Asian countries fearful of Chinese domination presented others.

In Manila, at apec , Obama was determined to keep the conversation focused on this agenda, and not on what he viewed as the containable challenge presented by isis. Where are we in terms of resources? After Obama finished his presentation on climate change, he joined Ma and Mijeno, who had seated themselves on nearby armchairs, where Obama was preparing to interview them in the manner of a daytime talk-show host—an approach that seemed to induce a momentary bout of status-inversion vertigo in an audience not accustomed to such behavior in their own leaders.

Obama began by asking Ma a question about climate change. Ma, unsurprisingly, agreed with Obama that it was a very important issue.

Then Obama turned to Mijeno. Obama encouraged Jack Ma to fund her work. The next day, aboard Air Force One en route to Kuala Lumpur, I mentioned to Obama that he seemed genuinely happy to be onstage with Ma and Mijeno, and then I pivoted away from Asia, asking him if anything about the Middle East makes him happy. The contrast is pretty stark. In Asia, as well as in Latin America and Africa, Obama says, he sees young people yearning for self-improvement, modernity, education, and material wealth.

How do I create something of value? He then made an observation that I came to realize was representative of his bleakest, most visceral understanding of the Middle East today—not the sort of understanding that a White House still oriented around themes of hope and change might choose to advertise. But this is because, he and his advisers argue, he does not want to enlarge the ranks of the enemy. He then offered a critique that sounded more in line with the rhetoric of Cameron and Hollande. In private encounters with other world leaders, Obama has argued that there will be no comprehensive solution to Islamist terrorism until Islam reconciles itself to modernity and undergoes some of the reforms that have changed Christianity.

In a meeting during apec with Malcolm Turnbull, the new prime minister of Australia, Obama described how he has watched Indonesia gradually move from a relaxed, syncretistic Islam to a more fundamentalist, unforgiving interpretation; large numbers of Indonesian women, he observed, have now adopted the hijab, the Muslim head covering. Because, Obama answered, the Saudis and other Gulf Arabs have funneled money, and large numbers of imams and teachers, into the country.

In the s, the Saudis heavily funded Wahhabist madrassas, seminaries that teach the fundamentalist version of Islam favored by the Saudi ruling family, Obama told Turnbull. Today, Islam in Indonesia is much more Arab in orientation than it was when he lived there, he said. His frustration with the Saudis informs his analysis of Middle Eastern power politics. At one point I observed to him that he is less likely than previous presidents to axiomatically side with Saudi Arabia in its dispute with its archrival, Iran.

And that would be in the interest neither of the United States nor of the Middle East. One of the most destructive forces in the Middle East, Obama believes, is tribalism—a force no president can neutralize. While flying to Kuala Lumpur with the president, I recalled a passing Best Carpenters Mallet Github reference he had once made to me about the Hobbesian argument for strong government as an antidote to the unforgiving state of nature.

And if you look at the trajectory of history, I am optimistic. And what has been clear throughout the 20th and 21st centuries is that the progress we make in social order and taming our baser impulses and steadying our fears can be reversed very quickly.

Social order starts breaking down if people are under profound stress. And in those places, the Middle East being Exhibit A, the default position for a lot Footprint Carpenters Mallet Ltd of folks is to organize tightly in the tribe and to push back or strike out against those who are different. The notion that we are a small group that defines ourselves primarily by the degree to which we can kill others who are not like us, and attempting to impose a rigid orthodoxy that produces nothing, that celebrates nothing, that really is contrary to every bit of human progress—it indicates the degree to which that kind of mentality can still take root and gain adherents in the 21st century.

I asked Obama whether he would have sent the Marines to Rwanda in to stop the genocide as it was happening, had he been president at the time.

Obama-administration officials argue that he has a comprehensible approach to fighting terrorism: a drone air force, Special Forces raids, a clandestine CIA-aided army of 10, rebels battling in Syria.

So why does Obama stumble when explaining to the American people that he, too, cares about terrorism? Does he fear a knee-jerk reaction in the direction Footprint Carpenters Mallet Zip of another Middle East invasion?

Or is he just inalterably Spockian? I think we have to build resilience and make sure that our political debates are grounded in reality. The plane landed. The president, leaning back in his office chair with his jacket off and his tie askew, did not seem to notice. Outside, on the tarmac, I could see that what appeared to be a large portion of the Malaysian Armed Forces had assembled to welcome him. As he continued talking, I began to worry that the waiting soldiers and dignitaries would get hot.

The stakes are too high to play those games. But those of us watching from the press section became distracted by news coming across our phones about a new jihadist attack, this one in Mali.

Obama, busily mesmerizing adoring Asian entrepreneurs, had no idea. Only when he got into his limousine with Susan Rice did he get the news. Later that evening, I visited the president in his suite at the Ritz-Carlton hotel in downtown Kuala Lumpur. The streets around the hotel had been sealed. Armored vehicles ringed the building; the lobby was filled with swat teams. Up two flights, to a hallway with more agents.

His two-story suite was outlandish: Tara-like drapes, overstuffed couches. It was enormous and lonely and claustrophobic all at once. When we sat down, I pointed out to the president a central challenge of his pivot to Asia. Earlier in the day, at the moment he was trying to inspire a group of gifted and eager hijab-wearing Indonesian entrepreneurs and Burmese innovators, attention was diverted by the latest Islamist terror attack.

The one that drew so much attention, I suggested, would ultimately be judged less consequential. This was the Gulf summit in May of at Camp David, meant to mollify a crowd of visiting sheikhs and princes who feared the impending Iran deal. This meeting took place only because John Kerry had pushed the White House to violate protocol, since the general secretary was not a head of state.

But the goals trumped decorum: Obama wanted to lobby the Vietnamese on the Trans-Pacific Partnership—his negotiators soon extracted a promise from the Vietnamese that they would legalize independent labor unions—and he wanted to deepen cooperation on strategic issues. Administration officials have repeatedly hinted to me that Vietnam may one day soon host a permanent U.

The U.

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